I was asked for a name. Man has a limit to receiving torture. Yes I have, I mentioned a name. After it was beaten. I was told to take off my shirt and pants. Told to sit on a kind of velbed, army bed. Accomplices tied up, eyes closed, wear underwear. Then the sound of sirens sounded.
That's where there was the sound of whipping, and there was the sound of people screaming next to me, probably five meters away. That's where I found out that Nezar was there. The sound of the whip turned out to be a shock, printed. Besides Nezar, there was another person tortured who turned out to be Aan. Two people who should be waiting for me.
Two nights and three days we were at the place, from March 13-15, 1998. We were then taken to Kodam Jaya near the Indonesian Christian University. Then taken again by car, there threatened that if they did not cooperate, they would be killed and thrown on the toll road. Asked, "What's the last message for your family?"
But at that time we felt that these people were different from before. Sure enough, after we arrived at Polda Metro Jaya. There the three of us were imprisoned in solitary confinement for three months until the change of Suharto's regime.
How did the kidnapping affect your life?
After being released from prison, I stayed at Munir's house which was YLBHI's mes. I saw that in front of his house there was a road. I looked at everyone on the street like I was watching me keep watching. What traumatizes me, until now the sound of the handie talkie, the sound of the radio, if you hear it, you are immediately afraid. Because in the car [when kidnapped] there was that sound.
Mugi also said that he once wanted to get off a plane that was about to fly when the person sitting next to him felt watching him constantly. The concern was heightened when he found out the man had just returned from Jordan to Indonesia. Mugi thought, it was Prabowo's "man" who in mid-1998 had lived in Amman bimonthly.
What relevance do you experience of kidnapping events to the current situation?
This is relevant, because the thing we experienced is still possible. Especially if you don't know. It is also important for young people to know that so that they are more responsible for filling the current democratic space. We can hang out in the warkop every day now because there is democratic space that was obtained at a great price by generations before us.
The problem is that young people don't know. If they know, then care and are relevant, including about the presidential election. If they had known, they would not have voted for [the leadership candidate allegedly involved in this event].
There were kidnap victims who returned who later joined Prabowo, believing Prabowo was only carrying out the orders of superiors at that time. How do you see it?
When it comes to political choices, even I end up making political choices.
But if I, from the beginning, realized that the struggle for justice, the truth, the kidnapping of activists and so on or human rights in general, it was a political struggle.
I couldn't bear to meet [the family of the kidnapping-disappearance victims] Pak Utomo (Petrus Bima Anugrah's father), Pak Paian Siahaan (Ucok M Siahaan's father), Mbak Sipon (Wiji Thukul's wife), met Fajar and Wani (Wiji Thukul's son). I'm still trying to use morals in politics. If others may not, yes, more political [practical].
That's what got me into the Office of the Presidential Staff as of February 2020. That's because my main consideration is the interests of the victim, not my personal considerations. Because there must be something to fight for from within. Haven't we been fighting from the outside for 25 years, what was the result?
When I was in KSP, but about electoral political attitudes, until now, until 2024, we try to consistently reject candidates who violate human rights. Since 2004 (2009) when Megawati took Prabowo, we have refused, I have refused.
And now that you're now in government, what have you been fighting for to advocate for victims?
If referring to the 4 recommendations of the Special Committee on Disappeared Persons of the House of Representatives (2009), then what is being done is recommendations number 3 and 4, namely the recovery or compensation of victims and the ratification of the International Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.
Compensation is being carried out through a nonjudicial mechanism through Presidential Instruction Number 2 of 2023 which is monitored through Presidential Decree Number 4 of 2023, I also happen to be in the Presidential Decree, the monitoring team. That is to deal with aspects of reparation, restoration, or compensation.
In 2009, the House of Representatives Committee on Missing Persons issued 4 recommendations: 1) The President and the government establish an Ad Hoc Human Rights Court; 2) The search for 13 missing activists; 3) Reparations and compensation to victims and their families; and 4) Ratify the Convention Against Enforced Disappearance.
In Presidential Instruction 2/2023, the President ordered each of his staff in ministries/agencies according to their tupoksinya to carry out reparations for victims. For example, in social matters, the Minister of Social Affairs is ordered to provide social assistance or social rehabilitation and Old Age Security.
I myself got the Family Hope Program. Chairman of Commission VI of the House of Representatives Faisol Riza can, Andi Arief and Nezar Patria also asked to be informed and sought to. It is not because of the material, but because there is state recognition of the recovery of victims of gross human rights violations.
Then what about the Human Rights Court that has been often voiced by victims to get justice?
The current policy is what is possible among all the impossibilities. Because if the current policy is not formed, then we look for the ideal, it will not happen.
For example, ideally a court, I personally worry that if an ad hoc human rights court is held, the perpetrators will be acquitted because the evidence is not strong. We can say, it's clear that the Rose Team is the culprit, there are 11 people, they are all still alive. There is Prabowo [as Kopassus commander] that we know, but the law is not how it works.
My concern is that the court is held, everything is acquitted, the case is considered over, the victim gets nothing. For example, the case of Tanjung Priok. The case was already tried [in 2004], even though there were so many victims. A trial was held, all perpetrators were acquitted.
If the decision is to hold a Human Rights Court, yes, we will hold a Human Rights Court, there is no problem."